威力彩玩法

Germany鈥檚 energy and climate policies have come under the wheels of an internal crisis between the coalition parties over immigration. After its first 100 days in office, the fourth German government under Angela Merkel has descended into a conflict that is unprecedented for the Chancellor who has governed Germany since 2005. The row within the coalition鈥檚 conservative camp, consisting of Merkel鈥檚 CDU and its Bavarian sister party CSU, has brought the three-party coalition - that also includes the Social Democrats (SPD) - to the brink of collapse, and is seen as part of the reason why little progress has been made in several key policy areas since the government started its work in early March.

In an unusual alliance, traditional energy companies, the renewables industry, and environmental organisations have lambasted the government for its inaction, arguing that it hurts both Germany鈥檚 climate ambitions and the economic prospects of companies relying on secure planning conditions.

Germany has been slowing down climate action 鈥渄omestically and at the European level,鈥� said Renewable Energy Federation President Simone Peter. She said the uncertainty was a liability for companies, as they had no way to plan their production capacities for the renewables expansion the government has envisaged, and added that no progress whatsoever has been made on reducing emissions in the transport and heating sectors since the government took its oath of office. Stefan Kapferer, head of the utility association BDEW, said that 鈥渨e are at a standstill, and we cannot afford this,鈥� adding that today Germany鈥檚 energy industry is making greater efforts to advance the energy transition than the government itself.

Things could change after parliament鈥檚 summer break, when Germany鈥檚 long anticipated coal exit commission is scheduled come up with results, and once several important energy laws have been approved by the cabinet. However, the government鈥檚 first 100 days have left many observers dissatisfied. The coal commission got off to a bumpy start, the roadmap for renewables expansion is still unclear and looming diesel driving bans in many major cities are set to further spur public outrage with a government that nearly 60 percent of Germans are unhappy with, as suggest. Meanwhile, several policy areas related to the Energiewende -聽 the country鈥檚 dual shift from fossil and nuclear energy sources towards an energy system based on renewables - would require rigorous and swift action.

On top of that, the government had to officially confirm that Germany鈥檚 2020 emissions reduction target has slipped out of reach - an admission that has significantly damaged the government鈥檚 image as a climate action champion in the eyes of the environmental groups.

鈥淭he grand coalition has to finally take climate action seriously and walk the talk,鈥� Green Party leader Annalena Baerbock told the 威力彩玩法. 鈥淭he climate crisis won鈥檛 be stopped by declarations of intent and by holding workshops,鈥� she said. Lukas K枚hler, climate politician of the pro-business opposition Free Democratic Party (FDP), said the numerous, albeit mostly minor, frictions between the ministries involved in climate action cause one big problem for Germany鈥檚 policymaking, namely a lack of coordination. 鈥淚f this doesn鈥檛 change, climate policy is not set to improve,鈥� K枚hler told the 威力彩玩法.聽 鈥淭here鈥檚 no clear indication which route we鈥檒l take in the future. It rather seems that they want to keep alive the status quo,鈥� he added.

"I can鈥檛 work with this woman anymore!"

Chancellor Merkel has acknowledged Germany鈥檚 waning reputation as a global leader on climate action, saying that its climate policy must become 鈥渕ore binding,鈥� and must counter the international trend towards unilateralism that imperils the fight against global warming as a whole. While Merkel鈥檚 remarks made at the Petersberg Climate Dialogue in Berlin might be considered an adequate self-assessment and a laudable commitment to international cooperation, the government鈥檚 track record after its first 100 days in office is overshadowed by the conservatives鈥� infighting over immigration, which has the potential to shake the nearly 70-years-old alliance between the CDU and the CSU at its core.

Driven by the fear of losing important votes to the right-wing nationalist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the Bavarian state elections in September, former Bavarian state premier and CSU leader Horst Seehofer, who since March has headed the interior ministry (BMI), has set out to vehemently oppose the liberal asylum policies associated with Merkel ever since the refugee crisis peaked in 2015. The rift has led Seehofer to exclaim that 鈥淚 can鈥檛 work with this woman anymore!,鈥� and Merkel to publicly her restive minister that it is the chancellor who has the final say in German policymaking.

The brawl between the two conservative party leaders, which some observers believe could spell the and lead to the break-up of the fledgling government coalition, also indirectly impedes on the work of energy and economy minister Peter Altmaier, who is a CDU member. On the one hand, the AfD鈥檚 influence on the political climate can also be felt in energy policy, according to an assessment that appeared in the Tagesspiegel Background. Fears within the economy and energy ministry (BMWi) that the prospect of further burdens caused by progressive energy transition policies could make voters susceptible to calls from the far right that the whole Energiewende is expensive and inefficient bogus have prompted Altmaier to put important and even already agreed measures on halt for the time being.

On the other hand, the former head of the Chancellery is directly implicated in the quarrel, as he oversaw Germany鈥檚 refugee policy in his capacity as Merkel鈥檚 special envoy during the previous legislative period, which according to the newspaper Die Welt prevents Altmaier from fulfilling his responsibilities for Energiewende policymaking.

Most strikingly, Altmaier had to postpone the introduction of a so-called 鈥�100-day-law,鈥� which was scheduled to set the rules for combined heat-and-power installations and for two special renewables auctions within the government鈥檚 first 100 days in office. It is meant to help Germany reach its increased goal of 65 percent share of renewables in power consumption by 2030. Just like another law Altmaier had promised to speed up the expansion of Germany鈥檚 power grid, the changes will now only come in September, after parliament鈥檚 summer break.

Hopes pinned on 2019 Climate Protection Act

Scepticism with the government鈥檚 2030 aims is rife among renewable energy companies. According to a survey conducted by industry organisation Renewable Energy Hamburg, over two-thirds of the companies considered it unlikely or very unlikely that the government鈥檚 renewables expansion goal will be met 鈥� and 85 percent answered that a carbon floor price would be the best way to boost renewables at the expense of fossil power sources - a policy also proposed by French President Emmanuel Macron. But while Altmaier insists that both the 2030 emissions reduction and the renewable expansion targets will be met, he has consistently rebuked the idea of changing Germany鈥檚 system of energy-related fees and levies.

The Social Democratic Party鈥檚 (SPD) climate politician, Matthias Miersch, directly attacked the minister, saying that his impression was that 鈥淎ltmaier has fundamental problems ensuring the basic functions of his ministry.鈥� In an interview with the G枚ttinger Tagblatt, Miersch criticised the economy and energy ministry for still lacking a state secretary who would assist the minister in policy coordination and implementation, and warned Altmaier that he should forget about the Social Democrats鈥� support 鈥渋f he keeps putting on the brakes鈥� in climate policy.

The energy minister was given more forbearance by Herman Albers, head of the wind power association BWE, who said that the SPD, and the best part of Altmaier鈥檚 CDU, were trying to deliver on their election promises on issues related to energy and climate. 鈥淏ut just like in migration policy, the conservatives鈥� right wing is the biggest blocker here,鈥� Albers said. Energy and migration are the most contentious issues the government has to deal with, he explained. 鈥淏ut the parties would be wise to better cooperate on energy and climate policies, in spite of all their differences. This could strengthen the government as a whole.鈥�

The BWE and other renewable energy organisations now pin their hopes on a Climate Protection Act promised by environment minister Svenja Schulze (SPD), which is slated for introduction in 2019. 聽鈥淭he Climate Protection Act is decisive,鈥� said Carsten K枚rnig of the national solar power association BSW Solar. 鈥淲e used to be content with the coalition treaty,鈥� he conceded. 鈥淏ut if we don鈥檛 start implementation soon, we鈥檒l end up in a situation similar to the current one by the end of the 2020s. What we don鈥檛 reduce soon, we鈥檒l have to reduce in the second half of the next decade,鈥� K枚rnig said.

"Big problem child" transport

Schulze鈥檚 environment ministry (BMU) has also come up with a proposal to tighten emissions limits and halve the CO2 emissions of cars to match the EU鈥檚 standards, arguing that the current limits would make it impossible for Germany to reach its climate protection targets. Chancellor Merkel has called the transport sector 鈥渙ur big problem child,鈥� as disagreement within the government also reigns supreme in that field. Transport minister Andreas Scheuer from the CSU said that the tighter limits are 鈥渁rbitrary,鈥� and risk to 鈥渙bliterate Europe鈥檚 most important industry.鈥�

But Scheuer has already seen his policy position overruled in the past, when, back in February, a court gave the green light to inner city driving bans for diesel cars to curb nitrogen oxide levels and to avoid being sued by the European Commission over excessive air pollution. Scheuer has repeatedly shrugged off warnings against these bans, saying that his motto was 鈥�no panic, no bans,鈥� and arguing that mechanical retrofits for manipulated diesel cars were not necessary -聽 although environment minister Schulze said they are indeed necessary to avoid EU fines. The first bans were then introduced in Hamburg in early June 鈥� and the EU still sued Germany over too high pollution levels.

But in a recent with Die Welt, Scheuer revealed what has topped his priority list lately, at the same time giving a succinct metaphor for the CSU鈥檚 policy position. 鈥淲e have more money in our coffers than ever before,鈥� he said, referring to the government鈥檚 financial leeway. 鈥淏ut that鈥檚 practically meaningless. We could give people golden pavements, but all they want is concrete answers to, and measures on, immigration."